Adolf Hitler on 'The Moment of Decay'

Continuing with passages from Mein Kampf, 2017 Thomas Dalton translation. See here.

In the following section, Hitler asserts that Germany bumbled into war in 1914 because it was weakened from being “eaten from within” by the spread of the Jewish Marxist Doctrine. We can recognize this as exactly what we have still been going though in both Europe and North America. It is an age-old problem. Considering Hitler's reference to Rome (see below – on p 309), it is what we've always been dealing with.

U.S. President Donald Trump is in no way responsible for it, though so many Whites want to point to him because of his support for Israel. We should remember the current administration in Israel is anti-Marxist, as is the typical sovereign racial state. We need to look beyond the easy targets to blame--and look to ourselves. The average American and European is very pro-Semitic and wishes to be tolerant. We need to take these words of Adolf Hitler to heart.


The belief that prevailed in Germany before the war—that the world could be opened up and even conquered for Germany through a system of peaceful commerce and a colonial policy—was a typical symptom that indicated the decline of those real qualities whereby states are created and preserved. [See my previous installment 'State and Economy.'] It also showed the decline of the insight, will power, and practical determination that belong to those qualities. The penalty for this, like a law of nature, was the World War, with its attendant consequences.

To anyone who hadn't thought deeply about the matter, this general attitude of the German people must have seemed an insoluble enigma. After all, Germany itself was a magnificent example of an empire that had been built up purely through a policy of power. Prussia, which was the generative cell of the German Reich, was created by brilliant heroic deeds, and not by financial or commercial operations. And the Reich itself was but the magnificent compensation for a leadership that conducted a policy of power and military valor.

How then did it happen that the political instincts of this very same German people became so degenerate? It wasn't merely one isolated phenomenon that pointed to this decadence, but morbid symptoms which appeared in alarming numbers all over the body politic, eating in the nation like a gangrenous ulcer. It seemed as if some all-pervading poisonous fluid had been injected, by some mysterious hand, into the bloodstream of this once heroic body—bringing about a creeping paralysis that affected rationality and the basic instinct of self-preservation.

During the years 1912-1914, I wondered endlessly about those problems that related to the policy of the Triple Alliance and the economic policy then being pursued by the German Reich. Once again, I came to the conclusion that the only explanation for this enigma lay in the operation of that force that I had already become acquainted with in Vienna, though from a different angle of vision: the Marxist doctrine and worldview, and its organized action throughout the nation.

Germany's attitude toward Marxism (p 309)

For the second time in my life, I plunged deep into the study of that destructive teaching. […] I compared the theoretical principles of Marxism with the phenomena and events brought about by its activities in political, cultural and economic life.

For the first time in my life, I now turned my attention to the effects that were being made to subdue this world plague.

I studied Bismarck's exceptional legislation in its original concept, its operation and its results. Gradually I formed a basis for my own opinions, one that has proved as solid as a rock. I have never since had to change my attitude toward the general problem. I also made a further and more thorough analysis of the relationship between Marxism and Jewry.

Earlier [when living] in Vienna, I looked upon Germany as an imperturbable colossus. But even then serious doubts and misgivings often disturbed me. In my own mind, and in any conversation with my small circle of acquaintances, I criticized Germany's foreign policy and the incredibly superficial way in which it dealt with Marxism—though it was then the most important problem in Germany. I couldn't understand how they could stumble blindfolded into the midst of this peril, the effects of which would be momentous, if Marxism's openly declared aims were put into practice. Even then I warned people around me, just as I am warning a wider audience now, against that soothing but cowardly slogan: 'Nothing can happen to us!' A similar mental contagion had already destroyed a mighty empire*. Could Germany hope to escape the operation of those laws that bind all other human communities? [I can't say for sure but I think the 'mighty empire' is Rome, which was brought down by the introduction of foreign people and concepts, while they cherished a sense of invincibility.]

In the years 1913 and 1914, I expressed my opinion for the first time in various circles—now including some members of [today's] National Socialist movement—that the question of securing the future of the German nation is the same as the question of destroying Marxism.

I considered the disastrous policy of the Triple Alliance as one of the consequences resulting from the disintegrating effects of Marxist teaching. The truly alarming feature was that this teaching was invisibly corrupting the foundations of a healthy political and economic outlook. Those who became contaminated by it frequently didn't realize that their aims and actions sprang from this worldview, which they otherwise openly rejected.

The spiritual and moral decline of the German people had long since begun. And yet, those who were affected by the morbid decadence were frequently unaware—as often happens—of the forces that were destroying their very existence. Sometimes they tried to cure the disease by treating the symptoms, which were taken as the cause. But since no one recognized, or wanted to recognize, the real cause of the disease, this way of combating Marxism was as ineffective as bungling quackery.


Mein Kampf, MKVolI