Chapter 13, Vol II: German Post-War Alliance Policy Summary
13.1 [The November Criminals] had no interest in an alliance policy that would untimately result in the restoration of a free German State. It would have interrupted and indeed put an end to the internationalization of the German economy and labor; the domestic political effects of a successful fight for freedom from foreign countries would be disastrous for those who now hold power in the Reich.
Since 1918, governmental authorities have failed us in foreign affairs, and State leaders have almost constantly and systematically worked against the interest of the German nation.
13.2 Our movement has always proclaimed the principle that external freedom is not a gift from heaven or any earthly powers, but can only be the fruit of our inner strength. Only by the elimination of the causes that led to our collapse, and the destruction of all those who profit from it, can we fight for the restoration of our external freedom.
The fundamental and guiding principle that we must always bear in mind when studying this question is that foreign policy is only a means to an end, and the sole end is the promotion of our own people. ...This is the sole preoccupation that must occupy us in dealing with this question. Party politics, religion, humanitarianism—all other viewpoints are totally irrelevant.
13.3 Today we must make our nation powerful once again by reestablishing a strong and independent State. [...]
The interests of the separated regions must be subordinated to the one purpose of acquiring sufficient political power and strength for the remnant State to correct the hostile will of the victorius enemy. Not flaming protests, but only the mighty sword will restore oppressed territories to the bosom of a common Reich.
The forging of this sword is the task of a nation's internal political leadership; to secure this task, and to seek out comrades in arms, is the task of foreign policy.
13.5 For the past 300 years, the history of our continent has been fundamentally determined by England's efforts to keep the European states opposed to one another in an equilibrium of forces, thus assuring the necessary protection of its own rear while pursuing the great aims of British world-policy.
The shift in British policy against Germany took place only very slowly. […] England allied itself with those countries that had a definite military importance, and this was consistent with its traditional caution in estimating the adversary's power and also in recognizing its own temporary weakness. […]
When the German Revolution occurred, England's fears of a German world hegemony came to a satisfactory end. [...] European equilibrium was unhinged within 48 hours; Germany destroyed, and France the first European continental power. […] During those months of [peace treaty] negotiations & bargaining, the only power that could have altered the course of things—Germany itself—was torn asunder by a civil war, and its so-called statesmen declared themselves ready to accept any dictate.
13.6 Thus, the political result of the war to prevent the development of German power was French hegemony on the continent. The military result: the consolidation of France as the first continental power and the recognition of the union (USA) as an equal sea power. The economic result: the surrender of great spheres of British interests to former allies.
13.8 The premise for linking together the destinies of nations is never mutual esteem or mutual sympathy, but rather the prospect of advantages for both contracting parties.
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We must be very clear on this point: France is, and will remain, Germany's implacable mortal enemy. … Their foreign policy will always be directed towards acquiring posession of the Rhine frontier, and to consolidating France's position on this river by dismembering and shattering Germany. […] England doesn't want Germany to be a world power, but France wants no power at all called 'Germany'!
Italy cannot and will not want any further strengthening of France's power in Europe. […] Serious and cool-minded consideration shows that these two states, England and Italy, have natural self-interests that not only are not in opposition to Germany's essential conditions for existence, but are to a certain extent identical with them.
13.9-10 When we consider the possibilities of alliances, we must be careful not to overlook three factors.
Can any power today hope to establish useful relations in the fight for common interests when this State has neither the courage nor the desire to lift a finger even in the defense of its own naked existence? … No—any self-respecting power that expects something more than commissions for greedy parliamentarians will not ally itself with our present-day Germany; indeed, it cannot.
Second, we must not overlook the difficulty in overcoming the mass propaganda of our former enemies. … When a nationality has been represented to the public for years as a horde of 'Huns,' 'robbers,' vandals', etc., they cannot suddenly overnight be presented as something else. The former enemy cannot be recommended as the ally of tomorrow.
But the third factor is of essential importance for establishing future alliances in Europe: Contrary to the interests and welfare of the British state, Jewish finance desires not only the absolute economic destruction of Germany but its complete political enslavement. The internationalization of our German economy—that is, the transference of our productive forces to Jewish world finance—can only be completely carried out in a politically Bolshevik state.
Hence it is that the Jew today is the great agitator for the complete destruction of Germany. … In peacetime and during the War, Jewish stock exchange and Marxist press systematically stirred up hatred against Germany, until one state after another abandoned its neutrality and placed itself at the service of the world war coalition, renouncing the real interests of people.
13.11 The Bolshevization of Germany—that is, the rooting out of national folkish German intellectuals [die Ausrottung der nationalen voelkischen deutschen Intelligenz]—is only a prelude to an extension of the Jewish tendency for world conquest. […] It is certain that Jewry uses all its agitational efforts not only to maintain national animosity toward Germany but, … it is the more or less 'cosmopolitan,' pacifist-ideological thoughts—in short, the internationalist tendencies that they use in their struggle for power. In France, they exploit the chauvinism, and in England, the commercial and world-political outlook.
In France today, there exists a profound accord between the views of the Jew-controlled stock exchange and the chauvinistic national statecraft. This identity constitutes an immense danger for Germany; for this reason France is and will remain by far the most terrible enemy. This people, who are becoming more and more niggarized, represent an enduring danger to the existence of the white race in Europe because they are bound up with the Jewish goal of world domination.
For the forseeable future, there will only be two European allies for Germany: England and Italy.
13.13-14 From August 1914 to November 1918, I did my share of fighting to save South Tyrol,* and every other German province, for the Fatherland. [W]e carried on that fight in the belief that a victorious outcome of the war would preserve South Tyrol for the German nation, while the loud-mouthed traitors agitated and plotted against victory
It must be made clear that we cannot recover lost territories by depending on solemn appeals to Almighty God, or by pious hopes in a League of Nations, but only by force of arms.
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It must be said: South Tyrol was 'betrayed,' first, by every German of sound limbs who did not offer himself for service to the fatherland in 1914-18;
Second, by every man who did not help to reinforce the national body's power of resistance, so as to enable the country to carry on the fight to the very end;
Third, by everyone who took part in the November Revolution—either directly or indirectly by a cowardly toleration of it;
And fourth, by those parties and their followers who signed the disgraceful treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.
Now, I have no hesitation in saying that today it's not only impossible to win back South Tyrol through a war but I should definitely reject it, because I'm convinced it would not be possible to arouse the German people's enthusiasm over this question to the degree necessary for success.
If the German nation wants to end a condition that threatens to root it out of Europe (drohenden Ausrottung in Europa), it must determine the most dangerous enemy (Jewish Bolshevism? -cy) and then concentrate all its power to strike at it.
(*South Tyrol is a semi-autonomous province in northern Italy, comprised primarily of German-speakers.)
13.17 The general anti-German psychosis cultivated by war propaganda in other countries must inevitably continue to exist until there is a renaissance of a German will to self-preservation. […] This will take years of clever and continuous work. … One mustn't try to change national sentiment based on empty bragging … but only if there's a tangible guarantee of the value of the new orientation. Otherwise, there could be a complete shattering of public opinion.
Therefore a nation, in our situation, will be seen as a possible ally only if government and public opinion are united in the same enthusiastic determination to fight for freedom. This must be firmly established before any attempt can be made to change public opinion in other countries.
13.18 Here is a mission for the National Socialist movement. It must teach our people to overlook the small things and focus on the great ones; to not become divided over minor issues; and to never forget that the object for which we fight today is the naked existence of our people, and the sole enemy that we must confront is that power which is robbing us of our existence. … There is no excuse for raising senseless outcries against the whole world, instead of concentrating all our forces against the most deadly enemy.
13.20-22 Is it conceivable that those who represent the true interests of those alliance-possible nations could uphold their views against the will of the Jewish mortal enemy of free peoples and nation-states?
The fight that fascist Italy is waging against the Jews' three principal weapons—furnishes the best proof that the poisonous fangs of this supra-state power are being torn out, albeit indirectly. The prohibition of Freemason secret societies, the suppression of the supra-national press, and the continuous demolition of international Marxism … will, over the years, enable the Italian government to more and more serve the interests of the Italian people, without regard to the hissing of the Jewish world-hydra.
Things are harder in England. … And yet there is a perpetual struggle between advocates of British state interests and the proponents of Jewish world dictatorship.... Despite ties of kinship, there is a certain amount of jealousy in England over the growing importance of the American Union in all spheres. It's quite understandale that today England should reexamine her old alliances
[...]
The destruction of Germany was not an English interest, but primarily a Jewish one.
[…]
Now, due to his thousand years of adaptation, the Jew […] can mimic the ways of the German and the Englishman, the American and the Frenchman, but he has no means of approach to the yellow Asiatic. … So he incites nations against Japan today … by using the war-cry in the British-Jewish press: “Down with Japanese militarism and imperialism!”
That's how insubordinate the Jew has become in England today.
13.23 The National-Socialist movement has a tremendous task to fultill: In the place of hatred against Aryans—from whom we may be separated on almost every other ground but with whom the bond of common blood and kindred civilization unite us—we must arouse a general wrath against the maleficent enemy of mankind, as the real author of all our sufferings.
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