MKVolII

Chapter 14, Vol II: Part Two - Germany's Policy in Eastern Europe  Summary

14.10   As early as 1920-21 […] the party was approached from various quarters in an attempt to connect it with liberationist movements in other countries. This was in line with the much-promoted 'League of Oppressed Nations.'

[...]

I always resisted such attempts. […]

The alliance with Austria, as well as that with Turkey, was not very helpful. (Referring to the recent Great War -cy) […] Germany paid dearly for that mistaken foreign policy. But it wasn't bitter enough to prevent our eternal visionaries from falling back into the same error again. The attempt to disarm the all-powerful victors through a 'League of Oppressed Nations' is not only ridiculous but disastrous, … because it continually diverts the German people from real possibilities, which they abandon for the sake of fruitless hopes and illusions.

Chapter 14, Vol II: Germany's Policy in Eastern Europe  Summary

14.1  A source of anxiety to me:  The members of our movement are not recruited from those who are indifferent, but rather mostly from among those with very extreme worldviews. [...] It's only natural that their understanding of foreign politics should suffer from prejudice and inadequate knowledge ... However harmful their previous teaching may have been, this was at least partially balanced by a residue of sound and natural instincts. [...] Thus I feel myself obliged to offer to my own colleagues a clear exposition of the most important problem in foreign policy, namely, our relation to Russia.

Chapter 13, Vol II: German Post-War Alliance Policy  Summary

13.1   [The November Criminals] had no interest in an alliance policy that would untimately result in the restoration of a free German State. It would have interrupted and indeed put an end to the internationalization of the German economy and labor; the domestic political effects of a successful fight for freedom from foreign countries would be disastrous for those who now hold power in the Reich.

Since 1918, governmental authorities have failed us in foreign affairs, and State leaders have almost constantly and systematically worked against the interest of the German nation.

Chapter 12, Vol II: The Trade Union Question summary

12.1 In the first volume of this book, I explained that unless measures are undertaken to change the employer's attitude toward the worker … the worker has no recourse except to appeal to his equal rights as a contracting party within the economic sphere. I further stated that this would be in the interests of the national community if social injustices could be addressed that would otherwise cause serious damage to the whole social structure. Moreover, the worker would always find it necessary to undertake this protective action as long as some among the employers had no sense of their social obligations, or even elementary human rights. I concluded by saying that if such self-defense was considered necessary, it could only exist in the form of a workers' association on a trade-union basis.

Now it was necessary to find a clear and precise formula regarding these problems.

Chapter 10, Vol II: The Mask of Federalism
summary

(I inadvertently skipped from Chapt. 9 to Chapt 11. I can't change the order of the posts, so Chapt 10 is appearing after Chapt 11. But give me credit that I did finally notice it! -cy)

10.2   Until November 1918, the average man misunderstood what was happening, and didn't realize what the inevitable consequences would be of the internecine quarrel between North and South Germans. On the day that the revolution broke out, the leader and organizer of the revolution in Bavaria, the international Jew, Kurt Eisner, began to play off Bavaria against Prussia.

Chapt. 11, Vol II:  Propaganda and Organization summary

11.1  Organization is something that owes its existence to organic life, to organic development. […] One must take account of those human weaknesses that make men hesitate, especially at the beginning, to submit to a superior mind. For this reason it's advisable to sift through the gathering human material to look for leading minds. It sometimes happens that apparently insignifical men will nevertheless turn out to be born leaders.

Great theoreticians are only very rarely great organizers. The organizer must first of all be a psychologist. He must take men as they are … must not have too high or too low an estimate of human nature. Rarely is a great theorist also a great leader. ...An agitator who shows himself capable of transmitting ideas to the broad masses must always be a psychologist, even though he may only be a demagogue. …Being a leader means: to be able to move the masses. The gift of formulating ideas has nothing to do with leadership abilities.

Chapt. 9, Vol II: Basic Ideas Regarding the Meaning and Organization of the S.A. (Part Three)  Summary

9.13 As an underlying principle in the SA's internal development, we decided to have nothing to do with the bourgeois type of defense organizations, and especially not with any secret organization. Rather, we decided the men should be perfectly trained in physical education, also instructed in the National Socialist idea [worldview] and finally, educated toward the strictest discipline.

9.14 In examining the question of the creation of defense leagues, I've not stopped asking: For whom am I training these young people? For what purpose will they be employed when they are called up? The answers to these questions provide the best rule for us to follow.

Chapt. 9, Vol II: Basic Ideas Regarding the Meaning and Organization of the S.A. (Part Two)  Summary

9.8 The Revolution led to the enforced creation of a new power factor to ensure state authority—a worldview in direct contradiction to the former one. It was able to create a new army—limited externally by the peace treaties—that was subsequently transformed in spirit into an instrument of the new state conception.That the revolution as a political act succeeded was due to: 1) a paralysis of our conceptions of duty and obedience, and 2) the cowardly passivity of our so-called state-preserving (conservative) parties. [Mitch McConnell is the epitome of this in the US.]

HI FRIENDS. Well, I stopped my summaries of Mein Kampf, Vol. II after Chapter 8 back in November 2020, took a break for Thanksgiving through New Year, after which the madness of January 2021 began, with the U.S. Capitol “riot” and the beginning of the criminal Biden administration taking center stage. Now that I've slowed way down on writing original commentary, and finished making much more of my site content visible and linked from the front page side bar (have you noticed?), I've decided to complete the special section on Mein Kampf (still so relevant today). So we begin with Chapter 9, Vol. II, using Thomas Dalton's side-by-side German to English translation (pictured here). Enjoy.

Chapt. 9, p 285 Basic Ideas Regarding the Meaning and Organization of the S.A.  Summary (Part One)

9.1 The three bases for authority in a state are popularity, power (force,) and tradition. Popularity alone is weak and must be bolstered with power. If these two are united, the authority becomes more stable and secure. An invincible foundation is laid by adding the authority of tradition.