Part Three: Adolf Hitler on Basic Ideas Regarding the Meaning and Organization of the S.A.

Chapt. 9, Vol II: Basic Ideas Regarding the Meaning and Organization of the S.A. (Part Three)  Summary

9.13 As an underlying principle in the SA's internal development, we decided to have nothing to do with the bourgeois type of defense organizations, and especially not with any secret organization. Rather, we decided the men should be perfectly trained in physical education, also instructed in the National Socialist idea [worldview] and finally, educated toward the strictest discipline.

9.14 In examining the question of the creation of defense leagues, I've not stopped asking: For whom am I training these young people? For what purpose will they be employed when they are called up? The answers to these questions provide the best rule for us to follow.

The SA of the NSDAP should be nothing like a military organization. It was an instrument of defense and education for the National Socialist movement.

Considering the talkativeness of the German people, it shouldn't be a secret organization. Only very small groups can become real secret societies, and that only after many years of sifting. But the very smallness of such groups deprives them of value for the National Socialist movement. The work must be done through formidable mass demonstrations in public—by conquering the streets. We must show Marxism that National Socialism will be future master of the street, just as it will one day become master of the State.

The same consideration may be given to the question of eliminating so-called national traitors. It is illogical to shoot a poor wretch who has betrayed a howitzer's position to the enemy while the highest positions of the government are occupied by scoundrels who sold out a whole Reich, who were responsible for millions of dead and maimed in the war.

My view is that small thieves should not be hanged while big ones go free. Based on these considerations, I steadfastly forbade all participation in secret societies, and kept the National Socialist movement away from experiments undertaken by idealistic young Germans who became their own victims because they couldn't assist their Fatherland's destiny in the slightest way.

9.16 By following these ideas in 1920 and 1921, by midsummer 1922 we had an imposing number of formations. In late summer, we participated in the great mass demonstration of all patriotic groups opposed to the Law for the Protection of the Republic on the Koenigsplatz in Munich. Our party procession was led by six Munich blocks, followed by the political sections of the party. Two bands marched along and about 15 flags were carried. Our entry aroused unbounded enthusiasm. I myself had the honor of being one of the speakers who addressed the crowd of about 60,000 people.

Red Republican defense corps tried to terrorize the marching columns but they were scattered by SA detachments within a few minutes. The National Socialist movement had shown for the first time that it was determined, in future, to exercise the right to the streets, and take this monopoly away from the international traitors and enemies of the people.That day we had incontestable proof that our ideas for the structure of the SA were right both psychologically and organizationally.

9.17 The second important event was the march at Coburg in October 1922. 'Folkish' associations decided to hold a so-called 'German Day' at Coburg. I picked 800 SA men as my escort, who had to be brought by special train from Munich [about 150 miles]. When we arrived, the organizers informed us they had made an agreement with the local trades unions that we would not unfurl our flags or have our band playing. I rejected these disgraceful conditions and we marched in a solid column with flags flying, a 42-piece band playing.

When we arrived back in the station yard, we were met by a howling and screaming mob of several thousand. Our young SA remained a model example of order. After the police led us to our quarters, the crowd took to throwing stones. That ended our patience, and in 15 minutes there were no more Reds in the street. In the evening, more serious clashes occurred but by the following morning the Red terror that had afflicted Coburg for years was smashed. We arrived back in Munich safe and sound.

For the first time since 1914, the equality of all Coburg citizens before the law was reestablished.

9.18 From that day the self-confidence of the victorious SA was considerably enhanced, as was their faith in their leaders. Only the democrats lamented that we had the audaciy to hit back with fists and clubs, rather than with pacifist chants. A few decent newspapers expressed satisfaction that someone had dared to deal with the Marxist thugs.

The SA grew so quickly that on Party Day, Jan. 1923, around 6000 men participated in the flag dedication ceremony, and the first blocks [marching columns] were fully clad in their new uniform. Our Coburg experience proved how essential it is to introduce one distinctive uniform for the SA. Until then they had only worn an armband. Additionally, after Coburg we were determined to break the Red terror in all localities where they prevented freedom of assembly.

9.20 The close of 1923 brought terrible events for our movement that I won't go into here. In 1925 the NSDAP was re-founded, and had to reorganize and re-train its SA according to the original principles.

The SA mustn't ever be allowed to sink to the level of a kind of defense league or secret organization, but instead become a vanguard of hundreds of thousands of men, on behalf of the National Socialist – and thus folkish – ideal.

End of Chapter 9