In 1916, Wilson Administration drops façade of neutrality; attacks German Americans

In order to whip up public support for war, former President Theodore Roosevelt and various industrial and military elites organized the Preparedness Movement, which among other things held parades throughout the country to raise public awareness and support. After all, every one loves a parade, and sending your sons and fathers to die on a foreign battlefield is so much easier to swallow when it is dressed up with flags and jolly marching music.

THE FOLLOWING SELECTIONS FROM THE FATHERLAND in Dec. 1915 through Feb. 1916 show the Wilson administration's commitment to neutrality was too weak to withstand the pressures and ambitions stirred up in an election year. The actions of the Wilson administration against the German “sympathizers” are the mirror image to what the radical democrats of today are doing to the current president—leveling charges and investigations in spite of no evidence ever showing up. Even the Lusitania “atrocity” is resurrected as the best pretext Wilson had, or may have, to enter the war in order to save England from financial collapse, as well as political humiliation. -cy

vol 3 no. 19    Dec. 15, 1915    Page 10

MR. WILSON'S “FRIGHTFULNESS”

Editorial

[…] We regret to say that in [Mr. Wilson's] message to Congress, he continues the policy of “frightfulness” heralded in his speech at the Manhattan Club against Americans of foreign descent. No longer content with gentle hazing, the President now urges a Reign of Terror to intimidate his opponents. For the first time in the history of the United States we find a President openly preaching the doctrine of race hatred under the pretext of patriotism. [By race is meant distinction between Anglo-Saxon, Teutonic, Mediterranean, etc. -cy] For weeks mysterious agencies have carried on a campaign of intimidation against the political opponents of President Wilson. Secret Service agents have dropped sinister warnings to friends of persons connected with the movement for fair play, misnamed “German propaganda” by Mr. Wilson's press bureau. They were told that the Administration was “out for blood.” Every one connected with the movement would be exposed to subpoenas and much disagreeable publicity, even if it was impossible to frame charges against him. The joint organs of the British Embassy and the Wilson Administration have hinted at a possible revival of the obnoxious Alien and Sedition Act. One New York newspaper intimates that a way will be found to disfranchise naturalized citizens who attack the Administration. This will be entirely in accordance with the precedent established by the American Ambassador in Berlin, for we understand that Mr. Gerard has cancelled the passports of several American citizens because they were politically at variance with the curious doctrines of neutrality promulgated by Mr. Wilson.

The press is fed by Washington with rumors of German conspiracies. The President consults with pro-Ally agents of unsavory reputation, and the affairs of the State Department seem to be conducted alternately from the offices of the British Embassy and the Providence Journal. The Administration hopes to make the position of the German sympathizers so unpleasant that their political support will be valueless to Mr. Wilson's opponents. The Administration likewise hopes by its “frightfulness” to intimidate those Americans who, without possessing pro-German proclivities, deplore the miserable failure of the Wilson Administration to protect the American flag from seizure by Great Britain. Is the Administration willing to go to any length, even to the extent of provoking war with Germany, in order to save its political neck? [Wilson was up for re-election in 1916 -cy]

[…]

We challenge Mr. Wilson to name a single factory that has been blown up by a naturalized citizen. Forgetful of his high office, the President emulates the recklessness of his confidential adviser, the editor of the Providence Journal, but he has not submitted, nor have all the investigations of the past few weeks brought to light, a scintilla of proof for these grave accusations. Nevertheless, the Government continues its “investigations” in order to raise a welcome political issue.

Knowing that there was not one shred of evidence for the existence of a large German conspiracy, knowing that Congress would ask for more than vague insinuations, it became necessary to obtain a number of convictions. Every conspiracy trial so far failed wretchedly of proving the baseless slanders against Germany and German sympathizers.

[…]

Mr. Wilson has asked Congress for special laws to curb the propaganda of hyphenated Americans. We understand that the Administration will request an amendment of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. Do we understand that this law will send J. Pierpont Morgan, Joseph H. Choate, and C. M. Schwab to jail for their pernicious activities in behalf of the Allies, or is it directed solely against those American citizens who uphold the standards of authentic Americanism, who are protesting today, as their ancestors did in 1812, against the base surrender of American rights to British aggression?

Why, Mr. President, do you ask for new laws without carrying out the laws that are already on the Statute Books of the United States? Since you have not prosecuted the Rubber Trust, the Metal Trust, and the fiscal agents of the British Government under the specific provisions of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law, how can you in good faith ask for a modification of that law in order to reach suspected pro-German sympathizers? We insist upon an answer! We are not afraid of the new crime of lèse-majesté.~

vol. 3 no. 24    Jan. 19, 1916     Page 8

Behind the Scenes at the Capital

Wilson is finding out that his theory of “cabinet government” after the British model is being resented. The fact that he regards himself a “standardized King,” as set forth in his “Constitutional Government in the United States,” (1908, complete text here -cy) and that Congress was “meant to be a reformed and properly regulated Parliament” is bitterly criticised, and his suggestion that “committee government is too clumsy and too clandestine a system to last,” and that “the English precedent must be followed in the institution of cabinet government in the United States” are heresies that will not go down with the American people or their representatives.

How far he is steeped in English doctrines is shown by a quotation from an article by him in the Atlantic Monthly of November, 1889: “An acute English historical scholar has said that 'the Americans of the United States are a nation because they once obeyed a King.' We shall remain a nation by obeying leaders.”

I had these and many similar British crotchets in the President's political creed pointed out by a member of the Upper House who has studied his idiosyncracies with a view to proving Wilson's antagonism to constitutional government and his bias in favor of one-man power without responsibilities to Congress. Above all, it illustrates how really and truly British he is in his profoundest convictions.

* * * *

There is evidence that the British spy system in this country extends to the inner workings of the great telegraph lines, and that the contents of private telegrams of interest to England are made accessible to Sir Edward Grey. In no other way can certain Americans account for private information coming into possession of the British foreign office which affects neutral interests in this country and has raised hardship of one sort and another in dealing with the release of ships unlawfully seized and taken to British ports. British spies are given complete latitude, and their operations extend to the most private affairs of the official departments of the Government. There is a leak somewhere, and certain members of Congress are showing signs of impatience. One member of the House went to [Navy] Secretary Daniels' office and submitted evidence that the plans of one of the American battleships, which had been abstracted and photographed and then replaced as mysteriously as they had been removed, had been taken by English spies. Their disappearance at the time was attributed to Japanese agents. Nothing was done in the matter. Our own Secret Service works hand in glove with that of Great Britain and both are directed against Germany and the German Americans.~ Frederic F. Schrader

vol 3 no. 25    Jan. 22, 1915    Page 10

GREAT BRITAIN'S SUPREME INSULT TO THE UNITED STATES

SINCE time immemorial safe conduct guaranteed by a nation to the diplomatic representative of another nation has mean absolute immunity and the most scrupulous protection. For the first time in the memory of men a civilized country has broken its solemn pledge to safeguard the person it promised to shield. Great Britain's interpretation of her promises is the logic of a Shylock, not of a gentleman. The act reveals the real soul of England.

“The search of [diplomatic representative] Captain von Papen's person at Falmouth,” says the New York American in a stinging editorial, “while supposed to be protected by a safe conduct, was an insult to the American as well as to the German Government.

“The acceptance by the American Ambassador, acting for the American Government, of the private papers forcibly taken from Captain von Papen was a gross breach of international courtesy, and made our Government a participant in an indefensible violation of a safe conduct, requested by our Department of State for a high officer of a nation with whom we are at peace.

“As it now turns out, there is nothing in the seized papers which in any way reflects upon the honor of the German Embassy at Washington.”

The Springfield Republican, a powerful champion of the Allies, is no less horrified at this example of British barbarism.

“There may be some doubt as to the right of the British authorities to seize Captain von Papen's private papers,” comments that paper, “in view of the safe conduct he had been granted at the request of the United States Government. It will strike many people, not German sympathizers, as a mean performance. The assumption of the British that the safe conduct covers virtually no more than a man's physical safety and protection seems strained; if his private papers can be seized, why not his teeth fillings, his hairbrush and his underclothes? Why not ship him across the channel rolled in a blanket and call it safe conduct.”

Great Britain is guilty of many crimes. But this little episode stands out with surprising sharpness. It is one of those little things which nations cannot forgive nor forget.~

Vol. 4 no. 1    Feb. 9, 1916     Page 8

Behind the Scenes at the Capitol

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2^nd – Washington was taken completely by surprise when Secretary Lansing on Saturday informed the newspaper men who called at the State Department that they could not overstate the gravity of the situation in regard to Germany over the Lusitania case. Statesmen were puzzled to discover a reason why the country should be driven to the verge of a war nine months after the sinking of the vessel and after the public mind had been lulled into a state of security by reiterated assurances that the negotiations with Count von Bernstorff had progressed steadily toward a satisfactory solution.

This state of mental unpreparedness did not endure more than four or five hours, however. The explanation was soon forthcoming. Legislators of both parties suddenly recalled President Wilson's genius for theatrical effects, and they detected in the latest Lusitania crisis a startling analogy to a similar event that happened on the eve of the reassembling of the present Congress.

When Congress met it was in an ugly temper to call the Administration to account for its arbitrary attitude toward Germany and Austria-Hungary and its obliging subservience to the Allies. Wilson and Lansing foresaw what was coming, and in order to give some shadow of justification for their aggressive policies toward the Central Powers, and make the country believe in the existence of sinister internal danger, summarily dismissed Capt. Boy Ed and Capt. von Papen, and rushed the conspiracy case against the Hamburg-American officials to a conviction, whereupon Wilson read his famous message to Congress, in which he warns us of the disloyalty of the German American element.

These three events were so closely synchronized that their cumulative effect had all the virtue of a theatrical climax worthy of Belasco. That master of stage craft could not have studied up a better one.

The same adroit hand has now been pulling the wires in an effort to regalvanize interest in a case which has been pending nine months, and was practically dismissed from public attention and regarded as good as closed. President Wilson had planned his great speaking campaign on preparedness. Although he is not permitted by those around him to read anything but what is carefully selected for his inspection, the Administration discovered that Wilson's desire to have a second term was arousing no enthusiasm in the country, and it became necessary to resort to heroic methods.

Wilson began his campaign on Friday, and on Friday the first hint issued from the State Department that the Lusitania case had reached an acute stage. On Saturday Wilson spoke at Pittsburgh and Cleveland, and on Saturday Lansing notified the press that it could not go too far in representing how critical our relations with Germany had suddenly become. On Saturday afternoon and Sunday morning the dailies throughout the country carried startling headlines that conveyed an idea that diplomatic relations with Germany were on the point of rupture. What it all actually meant was an artificially created crisis representing us on the eve of war, as a background for President Wilson's campaign for a renomination. The country was nominally to be aroused to the need of preparedness, but in reality a deep sense of insecurity was to be created in the form of a war boom, on the tide of which Wilson hoped to be swept back into the White House.

All the live issues pending between the United States and England over the seizure of our mail and the destruction of our commerce were forced to give way before the practically dead issue arising from the sinking of the Lusitania on May 7 last, and the plain truth is that the country is compelled to face a war on the side of the Allies in order that Mr. Wilson may gratify his ambition to retain his seat in the Executive Mansion. The Lusitania matter is pushed to the verge of a rupture for the sole reason that it is Wilson's last trump to arouse sentiment for himself.~ Frederick F. Schrader