Time for Europe to drop the dishonorable war guilt against Germany

And time for Germans to demand it!

THE WAR GUILT HOAX

By August Krazer

The first part originally appeared as a letter to the editor dated 31 August, 1981, on the 49th anniversary of the eve of Germany's invasion of Poland, Sept 1, 1939. Find the German original here. This is a machine translation lovingly and carefully improved on by yours truly, Carolyn Yeager.

RUDOLF TRENKEL, BORN IN THORN, SAID AT A LECTURE in Scharzfeld/Harz (1978) on the basis of the captured files of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Intelligence, that in 1933 Poland had tried a preventive war against Germany with the support of France, as well as in 1936.

In the summer of 1939 more than 50,000 Germans were imprisoned, 70,000 fled, and "thousands of ethnic German women and children, men and old people were brutally murdered."

The Polish historian Prof. dr. Leon Chajn writes that Polish Freemasonry played a decisive role in Pilsudski's mysterious death in 1935, and that in 1916 the lodges demanded Danzig.

Despite overwhelming referendums in 1920/21 in East and West Prussia, in Upper and Lower Silesia, the highly praised right of self-determination was trampled underfoot. Marshal Foch said shortly before his death that the corridor would be "the scene of the next war."

In 1920 there were 1.2 million Germans in Poland, in 1930 only 350,000. In 1919, some 16,000 Germans came to the first concentration camps in Europe as "enemies of the state". (Szcyiorno, Stralkowo, Brest Litovsk, Bereza Kartuska)

The 1935 emigrated anti-Hitlerite agitator H. Rauschning cites Polish voices in his book "The West Germans and Posens" -- from Dziennik: the only relationship between Germans and Poles is "hatred and struggle" -- from Gazeta Gdanska: "All land still in the possession of the Germans must be snatched!" For this purpose, a permanent anti-German propaganda had begun.

Pilsudski told a German diplomat: "The hatred of my people for everything German is abysmal." (1933)

Lieutenant Colonel Reile, defense officer and opponent of National Socialism writes: "In 1938, the war against Germany was a firmly settled affair in London and Washington."

The Pilsudski successor and lodge brother Rydz-Smigly said in the summer of 1939 in front of an officers' meeting: "Poland wants to go to war with Germany, and Germany will not be able to prevent it, even if it wanted to." He later declared in Romania that on the 2nd September 1939 he wanted to stop, but the English had summoned him that he should not make peace with the Germans.

The English historian Hove Sussex wrote in 1974 that the thesis of the German sole guilt "was long since scientifically refuted". American Professor [Harry Elmer] Barnes said in 1962: "With the personal piety of one Thomas von Kempen, Lord Halifax deliberately orchestrated and unleashed the most gruesome and devastating war in history."

England has always fought the strongest powers on the continent. In "Saturday Review" 1897 it says: "After our work is so far completed, we can call France and Russia: Take from Germany what you want! Germaniam esse delendam." Germany must be destroyed. Forty years later, Churchill said the same thing: "We will impose war on Hitler, whether he likes it or not!" And on September 3, 1939: "This war is England's war. Her goal is the destruction of Germany."

Halifax took advantage of Polish chauvinism, advised them, and in the unilateral declaration of guaranty of March 1939, pledged not to negotiate with the Germans. Thus, the last offer of the return of Danzig and the construction of a highway through West Prussia to East Prussia was rejected. That was far less than what every Weimar government has demanded. On 15 February 1939 the expropriation of 32,016 ha of German landed property took place; on 20 March 1939 Poland carried out a partial mobilization; on 5 May 1939 Foreign Minister Beck in the Sejm (parliament) said with huge enthusiasm: "We do not need peace!"; 14 August 1939 mass arrests took place, all German property was confiscated.

And on 24 August 1939 German transport planes over the Baltic Sea were shot at by Polish batteries on Hela. On 29 August 1939 the general mobilization took place in Poland. In the Polish newspaper "Mocarstowiec" 1930 it says: "... Our ideal is to round off Poland with borders on the Oder in the west and the Neisse in the Lusatia and to incorporate Prussia from the Pregel to the Spree. No prisoners will be taken in this war."

Despite all this, the German press was instructed in the summer of 1939 not to take a stand against Poland, but only against England, as the "moral judge of the world." And Hitler said back then that everything could be postponed, "except the murders," and that every Polish division had the value of a German division, and that all would be under the ruins, that only Moscow would benefit from a war.

Neither governments nor politicians and the media have protested against this century-long world lie despite diverse scientific representations. On the contrary, Churchill was awarded the Charlemagne Prize by the city of Aachen. Prof. Eschenburg calls doubts about the 'sole guilt' a destruction of "the foundations of post-war politics," and on the National Day of Mourning in 1978, the collective blame was confirmed in the Bundestag. One is silent and leaves the German 'Michel' to put on a second pointed hat, so that even the unborn generations can get the "guilt".

Is that responsibility and are they the "people's representative"? No, these are opportunistic trend-runners, who continue to enhance guilt and powerlessness in the youth and future generations.

Germaniam esse delendam - - - The best way to get the Germans themselves.

signed A. Krazer

*     *     *

THE BACKGROUND OF THE GERMAN-POLISH CONFLICT
(Case White)

One thing I must immediately anticipate: historiographies, with a content unmasking the actual events in the Poland state between 1918 and 1939, are barely or not at all known in "official" historiography. This inevitably leads to the question: where should young historians, students, pupils or other interested parties--as a result of their (officially prescribed) non-knowledge--get the necessary arguments in order to be able to stand up to the equally vile as well as abysmal lie of the Germans?

In the following references I will give some very readable works, which put the Polish activities in the right light. The first of these works bears the title: "Wolnomularstwo w II. Rzeczypospolitej", in English: "Freemasonry in the Second Republic of Poland in the Years 1918-1939", written by Professor Leon Chajn. First of all, we can deduce from this important work the information that Polish Masonic activities--influenced to a large extent by the Parisian Grand Orient--have made a noticeable contribution to shaping Polish domestic and foreign policy from 1920 to 1939. They played a demonstrable role in the game against Germany, especially after Pilsudski's death in 1935. The only well-known counterpoint to this was Marshal Josef Pilsudski, who was spiritually independent of the lodges and the church, who never belonged to a lodge. It must therefore be emphasized that without this marshal's political independence, the German-Polish Friendship and Non-Aggression Pact of 1934 would never have materialized.

"FOREIGN AGENCIES"

Pilsudski, in his brash way, has publicly denounced and dismissed the ominous interference of domestic and foreign lodges in Polish politics as that of "foreign agencies." Pilsudski became very clear when, in 1934, with Dr. Josef Goebbels literally in Warsaw, he said: "Mr. Minister, we (Poles and Germans) will not be so crazy and make us each other's skulls." It goes without saying that the former German - Polish contribution to the relaxation in the Eastern Europe Treaty was an unbearable thorn in the eye of all warmongers, and that with the mysterious death of the Polish Marshal the years from 1935 to 1939 were only a "waiting time" for the international warmongers--according to the prediction of British Lord Vansittart: "If Hitler fails, his successor will be Bolshevism; if he succeeds, he will get a European war within five years." (1933, [quoted] in "Even now", London, page 69).

After the death of Pilsudski, it became increasingly clear that the anti-German treachery policy, at the end of the life of the nationally oriented Marshal Pilsudski, was based on those background activities that had been intriguingly brought into play before and during World War I for the reestablishment of an independent Poland.

VERSAILLES, THE CAUSE OF CONFLICT

Like Italy with South Tyrol, Poland was "richly rewarded" in 1919 with the German territories of West Prussia, Posen and Upper Silesia. In addition, the then masterminds had created the almost maddening Danzig and Corridor problem, where one could stage quite easily and at any time the great crisis. In 1939 it was time! It is true that the referendums held in East Prussia in the years 1920/21 had voted to stay with the German Reich by 97.9%, in West Prussia by 92.4%, Lower Silesia 97.6% and Upper Silesia 62%. The victors' so highly praised 'self-determination' was trampled on so that shaken Eastern Europe should not come to rest. While in the formerly German provinces of Posen and West Prussia, more than 1.2 million Germans had lived until 1920, this number dropped to about 350,000 after ten years of Polish rule. Right at the beginning of the rule of Poland in 1919, the new rulers in the province of Poznań, in the villages Szczypiorno and Stralkowo, established the first concentration camps, where about 16,000 Germans were placed behind barbed wire as "enemies of the state". Later, two more such camps were added. The majority of German schools were closed, and German property was arbitrarily expropriated. The minority protection agreement signed in Versailles was in practice only a scrap of paper. These conditions remained in Poland until its demise in September 1939.

To the previous witnesses and voices on the history of the Versailles Poland state, I now come to a highly revealing book by the then well-known Dr. Hermann Rauschning, who has been known worldwide as a key witness and prosecutor of Polish policy of emancipation after his exile from Danzig. Rauschning was born in 1887 in Thorn on the Vistula. He experienced the years of de-Germanization after 1920 in Poznan and due to the diverse German and Polish material collected in Berlin in 1930, his then sensational documentary tape, "The de-Germanization of West Prussia and Posens after 10 years of Polish politics" was out. During this period of the twenties, Poznan Dziennik [Polish newspaper] literally wrote: "The only relationship that can prevail between us and the Germans, is that of hatred and struggle," and Dr. Rauschnig remarked:

"The impotence of Germany has been an incentive to the Polish policy of de-Germanization; it supports Polish imperialism. The minority movements in the east of the Reich have portrayed the Polish press as Bolshevism. But on the Vilnius-Lviv line, Poland leads a conquest fight against other Slavic tribes. It is no different on the western border! So far, Poland is conducting its war of conquest in its own country. It happens through the successful policy of de-Germanization in the ceded area. The Jagiellonian idea of ​​Wielkopolska (Greater Poland), which is supposed to replace Russia in its role in the East, is what ultimately gave her the impetus."

THE PERSECUTION OF GERMANS IN POSEN AND WESTPRUSSIA

On June 13, 1926, the Gazeta Gdanska wrote frankly on the subject of de-Germanization: "The safest Panzer Pommerellens are the millions of Polish settlers. All land that is still in the possession of the Germans must be wrested from German hands." Any means could be used to weaken and decimate the German ethnic group. The German newspapers in Poland were not allowed to bring the full truth about the oppression and disenfranchisement of ethnic Germans. This is illustrated by the example of the Bromberg Deutsche Rundschau. From 1920 to 1939, this newspaper had 872 criminal cases [brought against it]. The editors were sentenced to a total of 5 years, 11 months and 20 days in prison. This German newspaper was subject to seizure 546 times. Total losses: about 700,000 zloty.

Added to this was a permanent German hate. In this respect, there has been no respite from the first to the last hour of the Versailles Poland state. At the end of 1933, when a German diplomat in Warsaw negotiated with Pilsudski, the marshal said literally: "Tell your leader, I gladly believe that he is genuinely trying to solve all problems between Poland and Germany in a sensible way. But let him not overlook it: the hatred of my people for everything German is abysmal!"

One thing Pilsudski knew very well: Hitler's promotion of Poland's favor was meant honestly. To safeguard Europe against Asia, a special place in the later anti-bolshevik pact was intended for Poland within the framework of the European protective wall, which could have been quite sure of the special military protection by the German Reich.

"GOLDEN BRIDGES" FOR POLAND

It is one of the most infamous and stupid lies, that Hitler had long planned to destroy Poland. Exactly the opposite is true, as evidenced by the fact that in the period 1934-1939, with the help of numerous generous offers, the German Reich was constantly trying to build for Poland truly "golden bridges." If these honest efforts ultimately ended in failure, we Germans should finally realize that this devastating result must be blamed not on the German Reich, but on the imperialist Poland of the time and the international warmongers of the thirties.

In order to illustrate the political process in Versailles Poland during the thirties, I now come to a documentary tape, which was published in 1963 under the title "Geheime Ostfront" by the former German defense officer Oscar Reile. One thing I have to note here: Like the Pole Prof. Leon Chajn and the Volksdeutsche Dr. Ing. Hermann Rauschning, Lieutenant-Colonel Reile was also an associate and close confidant of Admiral Canaris, a staunch opponent of Hitler and of National Socialism. Without the partly sensational statements of Reile on the background of the Polish policy of aggression directed against Germany, much of it would have remained in the dark of history to this day. Reile has provided clear evidence that Polish Marshal Rydz-Smigly, as well as Foreign Minister Josef Beck, after Pilsudski's death--ie from the summer of 1935 to the summer of 1939--acted as unrestrained warmongers against Germany.

Therefore, without further ado, the statement is justified: This Warsaw conspiracy group, acting in the wake of international warmongers, purposefully aimed at a war with Germany. The objective was purely imperialistic in nature, which was never made a secret in public . It consisted mainly in the firm intention of the violent conquest of the German eastern territories and their incorporation into the planned Wielkopolska (Greater Poland) state association. The knowledgeable defense man Reile confirms this when he writes: 

"More and more Josef Beck decided for the theses of the Polish historian Adolf Bochenski, who announced a policy of bloodshed as the only correct one for Poland. He was hoping, with the help of the Western powers, to plunge again into a great war. Since the First World War brought independence and part of the original Polish territories, it is to be hoped that a second major war will bring Poland the remaining territories to which it can claim."

This meant that all Polish chauvinists since 1920 demanded the German provinces East Prussia and Danzig, Pomerania and Silesia. Almost all of these internal events in Warsaw were well known by the German government in the 1930s. It can only be astonishing today that Hitler, despite his knowledge of the fatal frauds in Warsaw, had never lost his nerve and had repeatedly attempted to come to terms with Poland with a long-suffering without equal. For the sake of historical truth, however, it must also be said that not all Poles at that time were ready for political suicide.

POLAND AWARE OF WAR

The Beck-Rydz-Smigly group and its vicious circle of Freemasonry aimed at a war with Germany. It's machinations were fully confirmed when German troops invaded Warsaw in September 1939 and found almost the entire files of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and of the Polish secret service. In addition, [there exists] a secret report published only a few years ago by the British Foreign Ministry, which was submitted on June 9, 1939 to the London Foreign Ministry by British experts William Strang and Gladwyn Jebb, as a result of a reconnaissance trip through Poland in May 1939. Here is their conclusion: In talks with senior Polish officers and officials on the eve of the Second World War, the two Englishmen were able to find out how much the war with Germany was already included in the Polish plans. Added to this was the hoped-for extraction of the German eastern territories, the expulsion of the German population and the division of Germany (!)

The following three historical facts testify to the insidious policy of Poland in the thirties, which nobody in the world can speak about:

1. In 1933 Poland tried to launch a preventive war against the Reich with the support of France.
2. In 1936, Josef Beck tried in Paris and London for a war against Germany.
3. Poland forces the war with Germany in the summer of 1939 with the help of terrorist acts of violence–-in accordance with the strategy of provocation at that time.

More than 50,000 ethnic Germans were imprisoned at that time or were on the carry-over marches. More than 76,000 Volksdeutsche had fled to Germany up to the beginning of August 1939. Thousands of ethnic German women and children, men and old people were savagely killed. It must also be clearly stated that there was no "fifth column" of ethnic Germans in Poland either in the twenty Polish years, and especially in the summer of 1939, except in the vocabulary of Polish polemical propaganda worldwide. The French acted similarly after their defeat in 1940 with their "Thousand and One Night Tales" of a "Fifth Column" to justify their defeat.

Rydz-Smigly, this fiery German-hater with his mongoloid expression, who liked to compare himself to Napoleon, was undoubtedly never a man with whom a German statesman could reasonably speak. After all, on the second day of the war, on 2 September 1939, when the catastrophe that was about to hit Poland began to become clear, Rydz-Smigly wanted to end the war. A little later, after fleeing Poland for Romania, he declared that the English had called on him to make peace with Germany. They--the English--would help Poland on land, sea and in the air.(!) In May 1939, the Polish Minister of War Kasprzycki had been in Paris and was questioned by the French about the Polish fortifications on the Polish western border. The Polish general declared confidently that they had virtually no fortifications on their western border and that they did not need them either, because Poland would lead an offensive war of aggression from the beginning of a war with Germany and overrun the German eastern territories in no time with its numerous cavalry brigades (!).

Another important political event from the spring of 1939: The then top French diplomat and ambassador Count Ferdinand de Brinon said in Paris on November 5, 1940 in an interview with the Paris representative of the American agency "New Service", Louis P. Harl, about the causes of war from 1939:

"I still remember very well a meeting in my house at the beginning of spring 1939 between Pierre Laval and the Polish ambassador Lukasiewicz. Mr Laval implored the Polish ambassador to exercise his influence in order to persuade his government to continue a prudent and cautious policy."

"The Polish Ambassador in Paris [Lukasiewicz]--a tried and trusted secret agent--said contemptuously," We will force her (meaning war-weary France) to make war! "

In July 1939, Rydz-Smigly made a further clear commitment to the intention of war with Germany in an interview with the American journalist Mary Heaton Vorse, which was published on 19 July 1939 in the "News Chronicle". Among other things, he said in regard to the Danzig question:

"If the Germans continue to insist on their plans of annexation, Poland will take up the fight, even if it should strike alone and without allies ... That is why four months ago I ordered the mobilization ... Believe me please, that the mobilization was not just a demonstration. At that time we were ready for war, if that was necessary."

In other words: Rydz-Smigly was ready to invade Germany in March 1939 (!). Poland's readiness for war, which was made public in 1939 and made any reasonable agreement with the Reich impossible, finds its final explanation in the Poles task against the Reich that was already assigned in Versailles - especially by the French. Already in 1922 a purposeful psychological warfare against Germany began in Poland, about which Oscar Reile writes:

"The Poles set out to set up semi-official propaganda institutions, which covered their entire country with a network of thousands of local groups and put publicans, officers, writers and above all hundreds of magazines into their service. Countless books and thousands upon thousands of newspaper articles have been used to prove that Danzig, and also all West Prussia, and large parts of Pomerania and East Prussia were originally part of Poland ... Falsification of historical and ethnological research results, falsified statistics and reinterpretations of historical events were necessary to carry out this so-called 'proof' ... the most important bearers of these semi-official organizations spanning Poland were the so-called Baltic Institute, also the Polish West-Mark Association and the League of Polish Maritime. In the thirties, the latter alone included more than 6,000 local groups with over 800,000 members. "

GERMAN SUGGESTIONS FOR A PEACEFUL AGREEMENT

On the other hand, on the German side, I have already mentioned the offers to Warsaw which I have previously outlined, and with which truly "golden bridges" were built:

1. The inclusion of Poland in the anti-communist pact and military protection for Poland in the event of a Soviet attack.
2. Return of Danzig to the German Reich and construction of an extraterritorial highway through the corridor.
3. Guarantee of Polish borders.
4. The German-Polish contract is extended from 10 to 25 years.

Poland's response consisted in an unprecedented German hate and unimaginable, deliberate provocations in unknown numbers. From July 1939, the life of every single ethnic German was in permanent threat and danger. Thus, for the German Reich, there was a supra-legal emergency enshrined in international law, which was justified by the fact that the then Polish government and its organs were neither willing nor able to even perceive and guarantee the protection of the more than 1,200,000 ethnic German citizens of Poland. Consequently, the German invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, strictly speaking, was nothing more than a police action against terrorists who had become rabid, a police action that certainly saved the lives of many thousands of Germans. But I will not dispute that in a justified reaction to this wave of bloody Polish terror, the first strike was made by the Germans.

Thereupon the international warmongers waited for it to burn around the already ignorant world and, especially later, the "reformed" Germans would agree that "aggressor Germany had deliberately and brutally attacked the peace-loving people of Poland." This world-lie on a scale of centuries became, after 1945, a kind of "historical dogma" whose purpose the Tübingen professor Theodor Eschenburg so characterized: "Who doubts the sole guilt of Germany in the Second World War, destroys the basis of post-war politics ..."

ATTACHMENT

TEXT OF THE GERMAN PROPOSALS FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF THE CORRIDOR QUESTION

"The Free City of Danzig, because of its purely German character and the unanimous will of its people, immediately returns to the German Reich. The territory of the so-called Corridor, which runs from the Baltic Sea to the line Marienwerder-Graudenz-Kulm-Bromberg (including these cities ) and then a little to the west of Schönlacke, will decide itself on its affiliation with Germany or Poland. After the vote - no matter how it may go - the free movement of Germany with its province of Danzig East Prussia is secure, and Poland with its connection. If the voting falls to Poland, Germany will be granted its extra-territorial traffic zone area, for example in the direction of Bütow-Danzig or Dirschau, to build a Reichsautobahn and a four-track railway line that will be German territory. If the vote falls in favor of Germany, Poland will be granted the same rights for an extraterritorial road or railway connection of free and unrestricted traffic to its port of Gdynia, as would be granted to Germany. If the corridor falls back to the German Reich, it declares its willingness to engage in a population exchange with Poland to the extent that the Corridor is suitable."

THE COMPETITION TEST OF THE SWEDISH INDUSTRIALIST BIRGER DALERUS

On August 30, 1939, the British Ambassador in Berlin Henderson made a further attempt to talk the Polish ambassador Lipski out of his principled and formulaic inaction, and to at least initiate conversation with the German Reich Government for a peaceful settlement of the impending conflict. Always seeking mediation for both sides, Henderson sent Sweden's Birger Dahlerus. Dahlerus reports in his memoirs:

"Lipski met us in his study, from which part of the furnishings had already been removed. His face was white as linen, and he seemed extremely nervous and beaten. I was asked to read the German proposals, which I did. But in his resignation, Lipski remembered that he was not allowed to accept any suggestions, so he claimed that he could understand nothing. Perhaps he could not, but perhaps he only wanted to avoid the deadly touch of the German proposals through heroic deafness. Dahlerus offered to dictate the proposals to Lipski's secretary.

“This was accepted and Dahlerus dictated the text in the typewriter. So it was still possible to 'hand over' the memorandum to the Polish Ambassador. But that hardly had any use, and perhaps none at all, because Lipski said to the British Legation Counselor, who accompanied Dahlerus: 'I am convinced that in the event of war, riots will break out in Germany and the Polish troops will then successfully march against Berlin.”(!)

THE ULTRA-SHORT-TERMINATION

Ghostly, grotesque and, in itself, unbelievable are the events that played out behind the scenes on 31 August 1939, the eve of the German attack on Poland.

At that time the Poles were truly convinced of the superiority of the Polish army over the German Wehrmacht. For without this belief in this superiority, the "diplomacy" displayed by the Polish political and military leaders in these months could only be described as pure madness. They believed in advance to know everything. They looked at all the negotiation talk as shadowboxing. The German territories they "landed" after the end of the First World War, especially the Corridor and Danzig, were to be taken away from them. When the Reich announced its proposal, Poland called it quite coldly "robbery!" Poland's diplomacy was like the attacks of its cavalry regiments on the German armored formations in the Tucheler Heide several hours later. They refused any negotiation with suicidal cockiness and ignorance. They refused to even accept a German proposal, as if one could not have said 'no' after reading the proposals. Foreign Minister Colonel Beck was asked by the Western embassies what attitude the Polish Ambassador Lipski would take if Herr von Ribbentrop, or whoever received him, handed him the German proposals. He said that Mr. Lipski was not authorized to accept such a document, since it might be accompanied by a kind of ultimatum in the light of past experience. But you could still accept a proposal and refuse to accept an ultimatum. In vain did the British government assail the Polish foreign minister that the Polish ambassador in Berlin should finally declare his willingness to accept proposals. Colonel Beck did nothing of the kind at all, playing the part of the unapproachable damsel fearing for her innocence. On August 31, the Polish Ambassador to Berlin had met with Reichsaußenminister v. Ribbentrop for the famous so-called "Ultra Short Talk".

Lipski reports this with an almost incredible Polish arrogance:

"Herr von Ribbentrop has received me at six o'clock. Herr von Ribbentrop has asked me if I have special powers of bargaining. I replied to Herr von Ribbentrop with 'No.' "

Thus the conversation between the Polish Ambassador and the Reich Foreign Minister was over. 'No' was the only word Lipski spoke to the Reich government in those four months. Hitler finally had enough. At 1240 hours, six hours before the "Ultra Short Talk", he had already given the order to attack the morning of September 1, 1939, and the preparations for the "Case White" were to begin a second time. Once before, the order had been given to attack, on August 25, but was revoked. On 31st of August there is no cancellation. The secret commando case OKW-WFA 170-39 goes out in eight copies to the highest Wehrmacht positions. The fateful document is now stopped nowhere, and by the late evening of August 31, even Hitler would not have been able to reverse the order to attack.

"After all political options have been exhausted in order to peacefully eliminate a situation unbearable for Germany on its eastern border, I have now decided on a violent solution. The attack against Poland is to be conducted according to the preparations made for the 'Fall Weiss', with changes being made to the army by the almost completed deployment. Task allocation and operation goal remain unchanged. "

Assault day: 1.9.1939 - Attack time: 4.45 am Adolf Hitler

England declared on 2 September, France on 3 September, at war with Germany.

There is nothing left to add to these historical facts.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
· Leon Chajn: Wolnomularstowo w II. Rzeczypospolitej (The Freemasons in the II.Republic), published in 1975 in the Warsaw publisher "Czytelnik", 624 pages, is available only in Polish.
· Prof. Bolko v. Richthofen: War debt 1939-1941. The guilt share of the others. Lecture.
· Dr. Hermann Rauschnig: The De-Germanization of West Prussia and Posens, 1930 Berlin.
· Oscar Reile: Secret Eastern Front. The German defense 1921-1945. Verlag Welsermühl 1963.
· Wladyslaw Kozaczuk: Bitwa o tejemnice. German: The fight for the secrets. The intelligence services of Poland and the Reich 1922-1939. Published in 1969 in Warsaw. Is only available in Polish.
· Janusz Piekalkiewicz: Polish campaign. Published by Bechtermünz Verlag 1996
· Frederick Winterbotham: Action Ultra. Published 1976 in Ullstein Verlag.
· Patrick Beesly: Intelligence War of the British Admiralty. Published 1978 in Ullstein Verlag.
· Birger Dahlerus: The last attempt. Weltbild Verlag, Augsburg 1995.
· Victor Suvorov: Stalin's Prevented First Strike , Publisher Pour le Mèrite 2000, ISBN 3-932381-09-2

For the realization of this publication, the author thanks a historian of a university and one of an institute of contemporary history. However, he says, "I was explicitly requested not to mention their names in view of the increasing snooping in our state and, of course, I agreed to this wish. That's why I sign alone."